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  1. Norwegian Discourse Ellipsis
    Clausal Architecture and Licensing Conditions
    Autor*in: Nygård, Mari
    Erschienen: 2018
    Verlag:  John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam/Philadelphia

    Intro -- Norwegian Discourse Ellipsis -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of abbreviations -- Chapter 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Characteristics of spontaneous speech -- 1.2 Types of fragments and... mehr

    Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt / Zentrale
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    Intro -- Norwegian Discourse Ellipsis -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of abbreviations -- Chapter 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Characteristics of spontaneous speech -- 1.2 Types of fragments and ellipses -- 1.2.1 Structural ellipses -- 1.2.2 Performance governed apocopes in spoken language -- 1.2.3 Freestanding constituents -- 1.2.4 Discourse ellipses -- 1.2.5 Elliptical data from written registers -- 1.3 A distinct grammar for spontaneous speech? -- 1.3.1 Same grammar or different grammars? -- 1.3.2 Dialogism versus monologism -- 1.4 Well-formedness in discourse ellipses -- 1.5 Collection of data -- 1.6 Overview of the book -- Chapter 2. Null arguments in generative theory -- 2.1 Pro drop and zero topic -- 2.2 German subject/object asymmetries -- 2.3 The null constant -- 2.4 Null subjects in abbreviated registers - structural truncation? -- 2.5 Fundament ellipsis in Swedish -- 2.6 Towards a uniform approach to null arguments -- 2.7 The need for an empirical and theoretical broadening -- Chapter 3. Foundations of a grammar model -- 3.1 A selective approach to meaning: Grammar semantics -- 3.2 A weak interpretation of the principle of full identification -- 3.3 Endoskeletal versus exoskeletal theories -- 3.3.1 Lexically driven grammars -- 3.3.2 The exoskeletal alternative -- 3.3.3 Five syntactic frames in Norwegian -- Chapter 4. A g-semantic syntax with insertion slots -- 4.1 Syntactic terminals - the building blocks -- 4.2 Empty slots for insertion -- 4.3 Separationism in the functional domain -- 4.4 Clausal architecture -- 4.4.1 CP - Illocutionary force and speech acts -- 4.4.2 TP - a tense operator -- 4.4.3 A predication operator in PrP -- 4.4.4 An exoskeletal approach to VP -- 4.4.5 The ontology of lexical semantics -- 4.5 Conclusion -- Chapter 5. Silent structure and feature construal 5.1 The structure question -- 5.2 Agreement and valuation of phi-features -- 5.2.1 Active agreement features in the ellipsis site -- 5.2.2 Checking by valuation -- 5.2.3 Semantic agreement -- 5.2.4 An alternative analysis: Feature construal -- 5.2.5 Feature construal in discourse ellipses -- Chapter 6. Semantic licensing restrictions -- 6.1 Phonological deletion -- 6.2 Deletion through movement -- 6.3 Semantic identity and structural licensing restrictions -- 6.4 Recoverability of deletion -- 6.4.1 The original principle -- 6.4.2 Expanded use of the principle - recoverability in context -- 6.4.3 Strategies for identification -- 6.5 Shortcomings of the recoverability condition -- 6.5.1 Expletive subjects and copula verbs -- 6.5.2 Structural licensing -- 6.6 Processing discourse ellipses -- Chapter 7. Structural licensing conditions -- 7.1 The vulnerability of the C-domain -- 7.1.1 The C-domain as an interface to discourse -- 7.1.2 Preposed elements in [spec,CP]: topic and focus -- 7.1.3 Non-sentence initial discourse ellipses -- 7.1.4 Person restrictions on topic drop -- 7.1.5 Interacting syntactic and semantic restrictions -- 7.2 The CP-TP connection - silence under agree -- 7.2.1 Empirical patterns -- 7.2.2 No CP in subject-initial clauses? -- 7.2.3 Feature inheritance from C to T - a phase-based analysis -- 7.2.4 Silence under agree -- 7.3 Agreement and silence in the C - T complex -- 7.3.1 Omitted topicalized subject -- 7.3.2 Omitted topicalized object -- 7.3.3 Omitted topicalized subject and auxiliary -- 7.3.4 Omission of topicalized object and auxiliary is impossible -- 7.3.5 Ellipsis in yes/no questions -- 7.3.6 Lexical verbs versus modal and perfective auxiliaries -- 7.4 Why is there a subject/object asymmetry in the C-domain? -- Chapter 8. Concluding remarks -- 8.1 Empirical and theoretical contributions -- 8.2 Prospects -- References Empirical sources -- Appendix -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 4 -- Index

     

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